Newspapers / The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, … / Jan. 5, 1842, edition 1 / Page 1
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i - ...it i f A" US' aa i p ' M rj h ra ' rj . ir: m ri ?4 m t4 y nil a $ . 7V ttmdtmty mf IttiMOcrmtjf tmtou-mrtl thttlermt ttrm mflhi liMliulrfoiii clacm,tht tmret of I hiir comfort, ttviuerjvn vriheirdtg-mlty,lh ntmblUhmtnt mf their pwrf BY KOBEUt WILLIAMSOX, Jr. UCTCOLtfTOX; C4 "JANUARY , 1842. VOLUME V, NO. a2. N E W T E R M S OF THE LINCOLN REPUBLICAN TERMS OF PUBLICATION. "Tiis I.iMCoit Kf.puiilicav i published every "Wednesday at $2 50, if paid in advance, or if payment be delayed three months. No subscription received for a less term than "twelve months. .o paper will be discontinued but at the optiuo f the Kditor, until all arrearages arc paid. A fiiluic to order a discontinuance, will be con sidered a now engagement. TERMS OF ADVERTISING. yivsuTisK.HKXTS will bo inserted conspicuous 1y for ;i u per Kquare for the first insertion, and 25 tents for each continuance. Court and Judicial :adv;rtiseiisent3 will be charged 23 per cent, more than the above prices. A deduction of 33 per cent, from the regular prices will be made toyearly advertisers. The number of insertions must be noted on the manuscript, or they will be charged until a discon tinuance is ordered. (TO CORRESPONDFNTS. To insure prompt attention to Letters addressed itn the Editor, the post lgc should in all cases be paid. PROSPECTUS or tiis llatlisonimu TUG under.iqmeii having purchased a control ling intere.;t in the MnrsoxrAX, proposes 'to wsue a Diilt I'apeu from this office on or about the 15th of December. The paper will be dcvolcd to the support of such constitutional measures as the interests of the People may jemand and from what has been seen of tire purposes of President Tyler's Administration, there is every reason to believe that such measures only are in contemplation by the present head of the 'Government. We propose to labor for the entire restoration of the pure doctrines and faithful practices of the founders of our Republic not to battle for the mere exaltation of partisan dictators. To advocate those principles of our patriotic fathers which were al together desigired to ensure the prosperity and hap piness of the Confederacy, in their original purity -not to tear down the modern fabrics of dema gogues to erect pedestals for other ambitious and dishonest aspirants. In short, it is our design to pursue the Right, alike heedless of patty names and party interests, and to expose the Wrong, emanate from what men or in w hat sections it may. But it in far from our intention ever to indulge in wanton and vulgar abuse. Yet we will not sutler the men and measures we advocate to be unjustly aspersed, and wrongfully assailed, with impunity. Heartilv approving the independent course pur sued by the President during the late extraordinary session of Congress, it sha'l be our endeavor, at a fitting irioi), to piucj &clb;-eiiir" puiiito -art inc circumstances connected wiih the origin and fate of the two Dank bills. That the. Daiiy Madwoman may merit the sup port ol the community indiscriminately, the under sigi.rii is resolved to bring to his assistance in the editorial department the best political and literary talent that can be secured. In aid of this purpose, an able and experienced European -correspondent (situated at Bremen) has been engaged to transmit to us by the steamers every fortnight, the most c-ompreheruive accounts of the state and progress of things in the old world of which he is capable. This enterprise, we trust, will be duly appreciated by our subscribers. An efficient corps of stenographers will be em ployed to report the proceedings and debates of each house of Congress, which will be put in type the sveningof thecay they transpire, and be transmitted promptly to our subscribers through the mails. As the only Administration Journal in the Dis trict of Columbia, publishing, officially, the pro ceedings of the Government, and cherishing and defending honestly ami earnestly live principles upon widt h the public acts of President Ty ler have thus far been founded, v1 may, we trust, justly n'l-nlntr. unon nor considerable share at least of the support of thaacvery comprehensive body of ou fellow-citizens whot in tho friends of good and faithful Government. TERMS: Daily per annum, (in advance,) . -For the approaching session, (probably seven months,) - (in advance) The tri-wceklv per annum, - - " For six months, ... - . - " Weekly, " For six months, - $10 00 5 00 5 00 3 00 2 00 1 24 (Xj All letters must be addressed (free of post age) to the editor. Postmasters throughout the Union are requested to act as our agtnts. Those who may particularly exert themselves in extending the circulation of the paper, will not only be allowed a liberal com mission on sums remitted, but receive our wcrmcst thanks. Papers (whether Administration, Opposition, or Neutral.) copying this prospectus (including this paragraph,) and sending us numbers containing it marked, will be entitled to an exchange. J. B. JONES. Washington City, Nov. 6,1841. STA TE of NORTH CAROLINA, Lincoln County. Fall Term, 1S4 1. Sarah Rmnseul vs. Petition for Divorce, James Ramsey.) and Alimony. n N this case it appearing to the satisfaction if ibe Court that James Ramsey .the defen dant, is not an inhabitant of this State ; It is there fore ordered that publication be made for three months in the "Lincoln Republican" and "Western Whig Banner," for the defendant to appear at the next Superior Court of Law. to be held for the County of LincoIn,at the Court-house in Lincolnton cn the 2d. Monday after the 3rd Monday in Feb ruary next, then and there to plead, answer, or demur to this petition, or judgment pro confesso will be entered up against him, &, the said petition be heard ex-parte. Witness F. A. lloke, Clerk of ourv said Court, at office tho 2d. Monday after the 3J Monday in Augt. A. D. IS 1 1; and the 60th year of the Inde pendence of sa d State, ' F. A. HOKE, Crk. Sept. 22. 1841. 17 3tno. Trice aJv. $10. From the Globe. THE COAIID OF EXCHEQUER. We lay before the public the bill to es lablish "aboard" to be called "The Ex chequer of the United Slates.1" This new name is, we suppose, applied to take off the most prominent feaitire of the new measure, which establishes a Government Uank, and to put in relief, by the christen ing, that secondary attribute which cbarac terrzrs it as a irere revenue instrument. Iilackslone tells us that Chequer, or Ex chequer, is so called "from the chequered cloth resembling a chess board, tchich covers the table there, and on which, when ccr'uin of the L u.cuiils are nuulc up, the sums arc marked and scored with counters," and the Court of Exchequer obtains that name because 4e primary and original business of it is, to call tile King's debtors to account." Our kl Hoard of Exchequer" it will be observed, has faculties extending far beyond any given in Englar.d to the chequer. Uur Exchequer is not limited to the sim ple function of ''calling the King's debtors to accoun!,' receiving the sums due, and paying the moneys received over, as ap propriated. Far more is comprised in the brief bill submitted. - 1. It establishes a Hoard of Exehequer, composed of high functionaries of Govern ment, connected with the Cabinet and the Treasury, with three commissioners added, with power to establish moneyed agencies throughout the. country, and to appoint tlie officers manning them ; reserving to the Secretary of the Treasury the appointment of the inferior officers the Board of Ex chequer fixing the compensations. 2. The Doard is to have . the whole fi nances of the nation the custody and dis bursements of the National Treasury, con fided to it. 3. It is to Lave all the duties of commis sioner of loans, and manager of pensions, added to its povers. 4. It is e4Tyowered to take on itself that faculiy which alone raised the old Dank of Amsterdam to such importance at ene pe riod of European history -that of receiving deposiies of money from individual.-), and issuing certificates to circulate as a curren cy, in lieu of the sums deposited a per rentage being allowed to cover risk of loss, and remuneration for safekeeping. 5. It is empowered lo pass all by-laws that it may leei -expedient to give effect to lis powers. "" 6. It is authorized to issue a paper cur rency in notes, running tip from the tie nomination of five dollars to one thuosand; and is only required to have on hand in specie one-third of the amount of the cur rency so issued. 7. It is authorized to draw drafts or bills and to sell the same for a premium, with out stint or limit. 8. It is empowered, to iparchas-e bills Of exchange. 9. It is authorized to receive hank notes, and ileal with ihe banks, producing' be tween them and the Government the debt or and creditor relation. - 10. It is authorized to establish banks for its agencies at its discretion. 11. It is empowered lo issue stock of the Government of the United States, and make loans, (for the lime limited lo five millions) at the discretion of the Hoard. In this we have concentrated all the pow ers of a Hank, and more, superadded to the Independent Treasury, as organized by the lately repealed law. If .the latter em brace all the powers of the sword and purse, the Exchequer system embraces both, with the addition of power over the exchanges-in buying and selling them to any amount not only with the money, but with the credit of the Government In this, at once carrying the nolitU-al ma chinery of the nation into the business the exchange, or, in other words, the trans port trade of individuals which, with its ramifications, embraces the vast commer cial employments which in - all countries appertains exclusively to the mercantile classes. It not only Jakes possession of the purse of the nation, but that of the private citizen. by taking it on deposite, and founding on it a new currency ol certificates. It renews the connection of the Govern ment and the banks, and in a way givinj infinitely rrore power over them than could in any other form be obtained by Govern ment, by receiving their notes in deposite. in the purchase of the exchanges sold by it, as well as Treasury receipts, which, with the power of selection given, will en able the Government to build up favored batiks and destroy others at pleasure. It is, in a word, a vast iioverninent LianK, in comparison with which, the hydra feared in the Independent Treasury, as deprecated in the speech of Jllr. (.lav, shrinks into nothing. The paper which accompanies Mr. For ward's bill is understood to be a Cabinet naner. It has marks of Mr. Webster's powerful and plausible mode of presenting things throughout. We do not doubt but that Mr. Wfbster had a hand in its prepar ation. In his letter through the National Intelligencer, lo satisfy his friends that he should not go out with his r colleagues of the first Cabinet, he promised thcia "AN INSTITUTION, 'UNDER THE AU THORITY OF CONGRESS, TO AID REVENUE AND FINANCIAL OPE RATIONS, AND TO GIVE THE COUNTRY THE BLESSINGS OF A GOOD CURRENCY AND CHEAP EXCHANGES." We take the present project as intended by Mr. Wtbster for fulfilment of his pledge. There are one or two concessions in it which argue some. change for the better in Mr.- Websier's notions of Government Hanks and fiscal agencies. By admitting the right of repeal, as regards the new fis cal machine, he admits the Democratic f'f-trinfi that Governmvnt cannot irrevoca bly alienate its powers in favor of what' must be considered a subordinate agency : in declaring that discounting corporations are not the proper sources cf paper cur rency, another evidence is giveH of a great reformation on the part of Mr. VV'ebster on the currency question. Whether Mr. Webster has derived improvement touch ing these vital matters, from the discussions of the extra session, his own reflections, or the rapid progress which public opinion lias made in regard to them every where, Ave -cannot say ; but it is certainly, consid ering his station circumstance oa which the country is to be congratulated. From the Globe. COMMITTEES OF CONGRESS. In our article cf yesterday we alluded to the organization of the committees- s presenting an insuperable bar h intro duction of pleasures lor which, as a party, the Democracy -could be responsible. A glance at the leading committees will show at once how entirely the Democratic side of both branches n shorn of influence in the preparation or presentment of measures. In the Senate, the Committee of Foi eign Relations is composed of five mem-, bers. Mr. Buchanan, forme rly the head of the committee, is the only De.nocrat left on it, and he is put below Messrs. Rives and Preston, and is hedged tip by Messrs. Talimadge and Choate on the other side. Thus bound hand -and fool by opponents, he can do nothing on the committee, or through the -committee, with the Chamber or the Departments. The Committee on Finance, the most important committee, )s organized in the same way four to one. The former able Ciiairuian oT that t-oinmittec, . Mr. Wright ol New 1 orli, is removed from it a-Uocreth- er. Mr. Evans is put at the head. Mr. Mangum is his second. Mr. Woodburv is I then introduced ; and to wedge him un ef fectually, Messrs, Bayard and Berrien1 bring up the rear. . The Committee -on Manufactures is composed in the same way. Mr. Buchan an is put iu betwixt four political oppo nents. The Committee on Military Affair shows a little relaxation of the rule. Mr. Ben- Ion, the former chairman, is put under Mr. Preston and Mr. Merrick oa his heels: but then Mr. Pierce is admitted to give the Uemocracy two voices ou questions of na tional defence. The Committee on Public Lands, which took upon itself the fatal responsibility of revolutionizing me sjucm M engrafted on the Constitution, and carried out in Jmil by a Jaw passed by the fathers of the Gov ernment, is fashioned precisely on the mod el ol the Committees of Finance, Foreign Affairs, and Manufactures. It is four to one Federal Mr. Smith of Indiana, is chairman Mr. Talimadge his second- Mr. Walker of Mississippi comes next, and is then overlaid by Messrs. Hunting ton and Prentiss. The Committee on Naval Affairs is also four to one; Mf. Williams of Maine be ing the only Democrat on it. ihe Committee on the Judiciary is in the same predicament ; Mr. Walker of .Mississippi being the only . Democrat on it. These are the only committees which originate measures of public and national importance. - All the able and experienced Democratic Senators whom we have not mentioned, which make up the phalanx of talent in the body, are excluded from tho Committeeb which bring questions of interest before the country.. Mr. King is stuck upon the Committee on Commerce, under Hunting ton, and Mr. Woodbridge; & Mr. Wright is put at the tail under Barrow, a Senator of the last session only. Messrs. Allen, Cuthbert, Sevier, end oth ers, long accustomed lo the business of Congress, will be found stuck at the end of unimportant committee?, under Federal members who are perfect novices in the Senate. Mr. Caluouti declined serving on any committee. We have not room now to analyze the standing committees of the House. We may do it hereafter, li is sufficient for our present purpose to say, that they are con stituted precisely like those of the Senate in regard to the place occupied bv the De mocracy upon them, and arc o thoroughly in the hands of the Federal party, that the Democrats cannot find a channel through one of them, for any measure they -may deem it for the public good to propose. ' -From the proceedings of the Senate of to-day, it win be seen that die commitment of (he complicated measure proposing the repeal of the Distribution act, and the ap propriation of the land fund, lo the public defences, was refused. The motive for this, grew, doubtless, out of the fact that t'le parliamentary usage requires such pro positions to be referred to a committee fa vorable to them. This would have embod ied a portion of the Democracy in the Sen ate, and endowed it with the faculties be hnging to all committees, of gathering in 1 innation and presenting it in the impos ing shape of a report to the Seuu;e and the -untiy in favor of the mer-ure sr.' fitted. To do this, is at war with the policy of the majority, and therefore it was determined to exclude aU such light on the subject as a commitment would furnish; and the great est measure of the session is excluded from the benefit of commitment. lb. Twenty-seventh Coai&ess. From the Globe of Dec. 23, 1841. CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS. Soon after the reading or the journal to day, Mr. Harrow presented a memorial from an insurance company in New Or leans, praying indemnity for hiss by in surance on certain slaves, thirty eight in number, being transported from Richmond, Virginia, and destined, for Louisiana. The vessel on board of which they were, the flermosa, it teems, .was shipwrecked, and was" btmrded by an otScer.wiih a British uniform on, and the . -slaves were talcen therefrom, and carried to Nassau, in New Providence, one of the British islands, and liberated, against the protestations of the captain. The owner was compelled to abandon them, and obtained from one of the insurance officers about half the value of the clave, the amount to which they were insured in that office. The other office in which insurance was partly effec ted refused to pay. Mr. B. at first doubted lo what committee the memorial should be referred, but on reflection, it being a mat ter of such grave importance, and might involve a question of peace or war with England, he thought it should go to the Committee on Foreign Relations. It was1 a question which should be settled promptly i and definitely, whether the British Go-! vernment should exercise a power over! i thrs species of property which the whole I'cs. .i- .1.. . r .!,: 3mth lpmcil even to ihfi Stntea of this Union, lie doubted whether the nf th Southern States would anv people longer submit lo their property being siezed, and slaves set free, against the law of nations It was a grave question, and demanded the solemn consideration of that Committee and Congress. .He concluded by moving its reference to the Committee oa Foreign Relations. Mr. Calhoun seconded the motion. He called the a;tentiou not only of Sena tors, but of the whole country, lo the im portance of this question. The ease of the Enterprise was fresh in the recollection of the Senate. He denounced the principles maintained by Great Briliati in this case, and more especially in the case of the Creole, as the most dancroos innovation on national rigbta and national honor ever claimed by one independent power of ano ther. Yet, strange to tell, notwithstanding the reiterated outrages of this nation on the coast of Africa; this Government ha not been induced by a proper sense of national honor to interfere with that promptness and energy which would have effectaally prevented their recurrence. Is it not time that it should be known whether this Government will extend its protection trtitsown citizens? He had much to say on this, exciting subject; but perhaps this was not the proper occasion, being a mere motion of reference. Such an occasion I will perhaps more properly present itself when the case of the Creole conies up. t He did hope, however, that if this motion should consign the question to the Com mittee n Foreign Relations, that committee will give the w Hole-subject that due con deration which its importance demands i Ins was necessary, that the citizens ol &iis country should know on what footing of security they stand in relation to the protection which the Government will ex- lend to them and their property. Mr. King spoke with much feeling of the injustice of England, snd of her many nuirages against the settled principles of the lawsol nations; and denounced her aibitrarv pretensions with reference to ihe question of slavery. He solemnly believed, if she continued to commit such outrages as the one referred to in the memorial, and the more recent one of the Creole, that noth ing could prevent collision between the two nations. The section of country from which he came could not much longer submit to it. He, believed the subject should be taken up by the Committee oa roreign Relations in a solemn manner. and reported upon, that England might see the determination of this-con a try. It was high lime that the laws of nations should be enforced against her. to show her how far the, rights of properly and our flag are to be respected,. The grasping spirit of that power the assumed juns- dictioa orer the question of slavery, and the innovation on international law by the search of American vessels on the coast ol Africa, independent of all other causes, he argued, must be productive, of serious d.tlicuhies between the two nations. He hoped :ha memorial would he referred to the Committee of Foreign relations, snd would also be printed. . Mr. Presion, on behalf of the Committee on Foreign Relations, said thai, committee would give.il such consideration as ihe importance of the subject demanded. It was one which had been the subject of diplomatic discussion and correspondence between this Government nrtd Knglan 1 for many years, tie believed the pusiiioa assumed by the British authorities on lhu question was totally untenable, and at variance with the laws of nations. He had, however, no apprehension that any difficul ties of a serious nature would arise be tween ihe two countries, notwithstanding the many points in controversy; because he believed two enlightened nations, whose interests were so closely blended, would not come into collision. He indulged the hope that the enlightened ministry of England would, in consequence of pending negotiations, review the rule adopted on this subject, and remove all cause for acerbity of feeling, or for collision. Mr. Rives was opposed lo premature discussion on matters involved in pending negotiation!). He did not ihiuk a report could be expected on the general princi ples involved in this memorial, inasmuch as ihe question would no doubt come before the Committee tn Foreign Relations on a more serious" case die Creole. He ar gued, as the matter was in negotiation be tween the two countries, that the necessity might hot exist to have a report from ihe Committee on 'Foreign Relations. Eng land might yield to the demands of this country, and make indemnity. He spoke of the imperative duty of the Government to put the country in a state of defence, though the matters now "in controversy might be amicably settled. He was oppo sed to leaving the honor and interests of this proud natirn to the mercy of any foreign power. In the face of such ques- , lions as were in negotiation, that of the boundary, the search of our vessels on the high seas, and the delicate interests of the South, he fell impressed with the impor tance of preparation to defend the honor and interests oPthe caontry, without de pending on the contingency f an amioaM adjustment of them. He was indisposed toadmit the propriety of a Teport from the co in irn i tee on this isolated case, when it would hereafter be before it in a more grave form. Mr. Calhoan did not tise to prolract the debate, but as so much had been said about peace and war with Great Britain. he thoaght it incumbent on him to make a few remarks on that subject. His own impression was, that, with proper conduct on our part, there would be but liale dan ger of immediate conflict, because it is well known that there is a strong peace par.y in both countries uetermmeii to preserve peace as long as it can be maintained with honor. If there is to be war at all, it is for want of the proper foresight on ihe part of our Government, to take such prompt and energetic steps to prevent war as should have been taken long since. Now the first step to be taken is to reform the administration of this Government, He had heard it slated on the other side of the chamber, that this Country is no belter prepared for war than she was twelve years ago. He did not believe it. He did not believe, notwithstanding the Treasury re port, that the finances of the country were in the condition supposed. But he did be lieve that much of the expenditure of this Administration had already been improvi dent in the extreme, and tended t the con dition apprehended. He believed great and unnecessary waste of ihe public money had taken place great waste, loo, of ihe public property. He believed that millions of dollars might have been saved by "a just a:id scrutinizing economy. And he also believed thai those administering the Gov ernment in each of its Department, ought to be held strictly lo account, not alone for defalcations, but for. waste, extravagance, and want of economy. Mr-Calhoun dwell for fome time on the evil effects of the tariff of IS'ZS, tin? consequent surplus revenue, the pernicioj effects of its distribution, and coorljdea by a recapitulation of his remarks on the subject of the Cieole and the He.mosa, (the latter being the subject of the memorial before the Senate.) Mr, Barrow replied to Mr. Rives, and showed the propriety and neeesity of a report on this memorial, recounted the ma ny aggressions of England on our flag, denounced her lofty pretensions, and show ed the necessity of the people spe-iking to tier tnrotigu ner representatives in a man ner that could not be mistaken. lie argu ed that if this thing is permitted to continue without redress that if the Government did not throw the shield of protection over the properly and interests of the South, and prevent the outrageous aggression by petiy British officers; the Southern people would themslres fit out expeditions, and be redressed by battering down some of the towns on these British isles. Mr. Rives said that so far as the com mittee was concerned, tha subject would recieve its seriom consider! iou though thvj general principle involved had been re ported upon years ago, and received the unanimous sanction of Congress, totally at variance with the position assumed by England. The debate continued at some length and was of mi interesting character, but we have not room or time to give even a brief summary of it. Il will be given at length in the Congressional proceedings. The subject was ihen referred to the .).,. .iilteeaud oi Jred to ' printed. Mr. Benton gave notice of -his intention to introduce a bill for postponing the opera tion of ihe bankrupt law till July next, and making provision to include all insolvent banks in its operations. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Several petitions were presented and re ferred to appropriate committees; after whi.d), the order of the day was taken up, being Mr. Fillmore's resolution to refer so much of ihe President's message as relates to the tariff lo the Committee on Manufac tures, the question being on the amend ment of Mr. Athcrton to refer it lo the Committee of Ways and Men. Mr. Marshall llien took the ffor, ftnd af ter disclaiming any wi.-h to ocnpy it in preference to the gentleman from Virginia, addressed the House at considerable length and with iimch fotce and eloquence in op position to ihe amendment. The proposi tion before the House did not aojiear to him lo be a very di lictdt on" in the shape in which it had been presented. It was a simple question of ref rtin-e, involv ing, as" he conceived, no con:t ctiou wuh this much debated question" of ihe consti tutionality of a protecting tariff, but the mere question of parliamentary usage as t which of two of the standing committees of the House was ihe most appropriate to lake charge of the subject. Mr. M. then con tended that the Committee on Manufactures was the most appropriate one for ihe con sideration of the subject, inasmuch as it was constituted for the purpose of taking charge of the interest most deeply interest ed in the adjustment of the tariff; for, al though ihe adjustment of the tariff was in tended for the purposes of revenue, yet, in such adjuotmeut, the manufacturing interest was to be favorably looked to. Mr. M. made copious quotations from the Presi dent's message, to show that discrimination and incidental protection were contempla ted by him. He understood ihe President to say that although duties should not bo imposed beyond the reasonable demands of the Government, and he also distinctly un derstood him lo say, that in the imposition of duties within those limits. Congress might discriminate in favor of domestic in dustry. If this was correct, the Commit tee on Manufactures was the most appro priate one to consider this subject. Mr. M. after severely censuring the attempt t drag the question of slavery into the discus sion, went into an argument in favor of ths policy of affording protection to domestic manufacture?, by laying discriminating du ties on foreign products. He deprecate J the idea of this great nation bfing tributary lo, and dependent on, foreign countries, when it possessed within itself, in the greatest abundance, all the materials, skill, and industry sufficient u manufacture all that it needed for its own consumption ; an I, ht the course of his re narks, said he would rejoice lo see the day when every article of necessity or luxury ne I in the country should be manufactured by its own citizens. Mr. M. combated with much earnestness ihe doctrine of free irade, which be considered very plausible m theory, but would be very injurious in practice. In stead of looking to the ulophu theories of English philosophers, we should look to the practice of the English Government, which, by liberal and judicious protection to her domestic interests, had risen to her present vast wealth a- d power. How could we 'advantageously carry on a free trade with England, who excludes from h?! ports the most va'uable productions of oi.r soil ? - We are lo open our ports lo tho p.-o hutions of all the world, while Eng lasi 1 seals up her ports, and i!I not re ceive our productions. What sort of a free trade would this be ? Commerce and iiiatiuf ictures must be nourished, guarded, courted, and fondled, in the first days of their childhood; and never did they prosper in any nation, in which the ai l of ihe Go vernment wa3 not bro.igi.t in to support them. Mr. M. pointed, as an example, to the navigation acl of Great Britain, which he said had built up favor of the manufac turing interest, under which it had grown up to so enormous and ex'pnt. Afser a se vere rebuke to the AboJninnisl Mr. M. concluded by noticing, in very severs terms, some letter writer, by whom he had been misrepresented after which Mr. Rhett, in order to obviate the objec tions thai had been made to hi speaking a second time on the subject, and to tim itff opportunity to take the same range in th debate that had been permitted to oilier gentlemen, submitted an amendment to ih
The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.)
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Jan. 5, 1842, edition 1
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